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‘Is it the hero of democracy or the wrapping paper of the military? Myanmar’s leader did nothing.’
This is the title of the New York Times article on the 1st (local time). This is an article about the background of national advisor Aung San Suu Kyi being dismissed due to a coup by the Myanmar military.
The New York Times article contains deep-rooted disappointment that Suu Kyi’s state adviser sided with the military to deny the slaughter in connection with the’racial cleansing’ of the Rohingya.
Suu Kyi, who led the domestic democratization with the support of the international community, gave an assessment that the military administration failed even while losing the trust of the international community by agreeing to the dehumanizing act.
The New York Times used the expression “Faust’s Promise” to describe the attitude Suu Kyi State adviser showed to the military.
It is likened to a shame state adviser as the protagonist of Goethe’s play Faust, a story in which humans make a contract with the devil.
The article also introduced the points where Suu Kyi’s national adviser missed the opportunity to maintain’uncomfortable cohabitation’ with the military.
State adviser Suu Kyi was sentenced to house arrest for a long time by the military, which took control of the regime in a 1962 coup.
It wasn’t until 2008 that the military was conscious of the pressures of the international community and opened up the possibility of establishing a private government through elections with a constitutional device stating a certain share of the military at parliamentary seats.
The Democratic National Alliance (NLD), led by Suu Kyi’s national advisor, won the 2015 general election and ended 53 years of military dictatorship.
Suu Kyi’s national adviser had a close relationship with military personnel even before the victory of the general election. According to The New York Times, after leaving house arrest in 2010, he often had dinner with a military officer.
National advisor Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San, the founder of the Myanmar Army, publicly spoke of her affection for the military.
The New York Times pointed out that as the military stepped up attacks against the Rohingya in 2017, state advisers Suu Kyi seemed to show a tendency to emotionally sympathize with the generals.
In fact, Suu Kyi’s state adviser denied the charges of having no genocide intent in responding to attacks by Rohingya rebels by Myanmar forces in the 2019 Hague International Court of Justice (ICJ) trial for the Rohingya genocide.
However, the New York Times cited a veteran officer and explained that State adviser Suu Kyi had little communication with Supreme Commander Min Aung Hlaing, the core of the coup.
This made it difficult for Supreme Commander Hlaing to be sure of the possibility of preserving his support.
In particular, Suu Kyi’s national advisor has not spoken with the heads of the military for at least one year. “It was a dangerous silence in a country where politics is very private,” the New York Times said.
The media pointed out that Suzy’s state adviser lost his military ears due to a failure to negotiate with Supreme Commander Hlaing, and that he lost the trust of the international community who supported him for decades by advocating the military in the Rohingya’racial cleansing’ controversy. did.
“The shame confronted critics of the international community by saying that he was a politician, not a human rights activist,” said Phil Robertson, deputy director of Asia at Human Rights Watch (HRW), an international human rights organization. “But the sad thing is that he didn’t do both well. Will,” he pointed out.
Along with this, the New York Times analyzed that although Western societies, including the United States, demanded the release of Suu Kyi state advisers and withdrawal of the coup, suggesting the possibility of sanctions on Myanmar, China’s influence could weaken the effect.
As the Trump administration neglected Myanmar’s strategic importance, China’s influence in the fields of communications networks, social overhead capital, and energy grew.
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