The income gap between low- and high-income people is getting worse. Earned income and business income declined for the first three consecutive quarters of history. In particular, the decrease in income from self-employed business compared to the previous year was the highest ever since 2003. The media analyzed that the economic sluggishness and job losses caused by Corona 19 were concentrated in the low-income group.
According to the’Household Trend Survey Results’ released by the National Statistical Office on the 18th of last year, the monthly average business income of households with two or more people nationwide (excluding agricultural, forestry and fisheries) was 994,000 won, a decrease of 5.1% from the same period a year ago. It has decreased for three consecutive quarters since the second quarter of last year when the spread of Corona 19 began. The Seoul newspaper pointed out that the decline was the largest since statistics were written in 2003.

Earned income in the fourth quarter of last year also decreased by 0.5% compared to the previous year. The decrease in earned income and business income also occurred for the first time in the second quarter of last year since 2003, and has continued for three consecutive quarters.
The income gap widened further. Looking at the’quintile multiplier’ indicator, which shows how many times the income of the quintile, which is the top 20% of income, is a factor of the first quintile, which is the bottom 20%, it was 4.72 times in the fourth quarter of last year, up 0.08 times from 4.64 times in the same period a year ago. This also deteriorated continuously following the third quarter of last year (4.66 times → 4.88 times).
The quintile multiplier based on market income (work, business, property, private transfer income) was 7.82 times. It increased 0.93 times from the same period a year ago (6.89 times). The Kyunghyang Shinmun said, “It is a figure that alleviates the shock of polarization in public transfer income including emergency disaster subsidies.” “The quintile multiplier of’market income’, which has removed the government support effect, earned nearly one point from the same period last year (6.89 times). I lost.”
The average monthly income for all households has increased. The average monthly income of households with two or more people nationwide was 5.16 million won, an increase of 1.8% from the same period a year ago. It also increased slightly from the previous quarter, last year’s third quarter (1.6%).

However, the increase/decrease by quartile was different. The average monthly income of households in the fifth quintile was 1,026,000 won, an increase of 2.7% from the same period a year ago, but the average monthly income of households in the first quintile increased by 1.7% to 1.64 million won.
The Kyunghyang Shinmun said, “It originated from earned income.” “It was the worst employment cold wave since the Corona 19 incident, when the number of employed in the fourth quarter of last year decreased by 441,000. In the 5th quintile, where jobs are relatively stable, earned income increased by 1.8%, the only one in all quintiles.”


The difference in the sense of speech is obvious… Chosun·Jungang “I poured out tax” “I support it with debt”
In this regard, the difference in the opinion of the media conveying the impact of the government’s public support was large. The Hankyoreh, Kyunghyang Shinmun, and Seoul Shinmun evaluated that public support such as emergency disaster subsidies, “but still supported household income”. The Chosun Ilbo and JoongAng Ilbo reported that’the tax was poured, but there was no result’. “I poured out the tax… but the income gap widened” (Chosun Ilbo page 1), “Disaster subsidies are unfamiliar… Even if it was filled with taxes, the income gap widened” (JoongAng Ilbo, p. 8).
The Seoul newspaper said, “The second disaster support fund paid before and after Chuseok last year was the one that supported household income in this situation (deepening income gap).” “In the fourth quarter of last year, the total household income (5.35,000 won) increased 1.6%. This is because the transfer income (22.7%) from the disaster subsidies has increased significantly.”
The Hankyoreh said, “The amount of money earned by households (work + business income) has decreased due to the Corona 19 economic crisis, but the government subsidies have defended the decrease in overall income.” It was not enough or efficient.”
The Hankyoreh said, “In the second quarter, when the 14 trillion won national disaster subsidies were released, the 5th percentile ratio of disposable income decreased to 4.23 times from a year ago (4.58 times). “However, the second disaster subsidy amounted to 7 He pointed out that the amount of support for the victims, such as the new hope fund for small business owners and the emergency employment stabilization support for special type workers and freelancers, was only 4,900 billion won.”


As a result of statistical analysis, the Chosun Ilbo said, “The government’s disaster subsidies paid in taxes and debts were not concentrated on low-income people who desperately need support for damages.” “The government’s disaster subsidies were only returned to the affected restaurant owners. It was because it didn’t go back to the employee who quit his job.”
In the fourth quarter of last year, the top 20 to 40% of income (quartile), public transfer income rose 9,200 won from a year ago, and the increase in income of the second, third and fourth quintile households exceeded that of the first quintile. That’s why. The third quintile is the top 40-60% of households, and the second quinile is the top 60-80% of the households.
The JoongAng Ilbo also said, “The high-income class also enjoyed the benefits of the disaster subsidies provided by the government last year. As a result, the income gap has worsened.” He pointed out that “disaster subsidies, paradoxically, filled the pockets of the high-income brackets.” “The increase in transfer income increased more in the 3rd (19.7%), the 4th (45.5%) and the 5th (36.3%) than in the 1st (16.5%) and 2nd (15.9%),” he added.
“Sequencing Relief Braking” in’Revived Private High School’
On the 18th, school corporations Bae Jaehakdang and Ilju Taxation Institute won a lawsuit against the Seoul Superintendent of Independent Private High School (own accident) designation for cancellation of disposition. The 14th administrative department of the Seoul Administrative Court (Deputy Director Sang-Hoon Lee), who heard the case, said, “Even though there is no significant public interest need to abolish the self-accident redesignation system itself or to operate it in a markedly different form, (the Office of Education) has been significantly changed. The criteria were retroactively applied to the period subject to evaluation.” He also said, “Because it is contrary to the legislative purpose of the pre-disclosure system, the nature of the redefinition system and the request for fair review, we deviated or abused our discretionary power.”


In July 2019, the Seoul Metropolitan Office of Education decided to cancel the designation of eight private high schools in Seoul, including Kyunghee, Baejae, Sehwa, Sungmun, Shinil, JoongAng, Idaebu High School, and Handaebu High School, on the grounds that the performance evaluation score was insufficient and approved by the Ministry of Education. While it was raised.
In July 2019, the Seoul Metropolitan Office of Education canceled the designation of its own high schools for reasons such as insufficient scores for operation performance evaluation in eight high schools in Seoul, including Kyunghee, Baejae, Sehwa, Sungmun, Shinil, JoongAng, Idaebu High School, and Handaebu High School. As a result, eight schools or two were paired to file a lawsuit for cancellation. The ruling was the first among them to be sentenced, and Bae Jae-go and Sehwa High were held in their own high schools for a while.
The Seoul newspaper said, “After winning the lawsuit filed by Haeundae High School in Busan against the Busan City Office of Education last year, it seems that the government’s policy of’resolving the rank of high school’ will inevitably be disrupted as the Seoul high school has successively received a decision to dismiss the cancellation of designation.” Forecast.

The Hankyoreh predicted, “It will not have a direct impact on the policy of converting general high schools to general high schools by the Ministry of Education, scheduled for 2025.” This is the reason that the basis for the existence of own high school, foreign high school, and international high school has disappeared due to the revision of the Enforcement Decree of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act last year. In November 2019, the Ministry of Education, through the’Measures for Resolving High School Rankings and Reinforcing Education Competency in General High Schools’, selected “in-house high schools, foreign high schools, and international high schools, which have been criticized for causing inequality, such as creating a ranking among schools and deepening private education,” as general high schools since 2025 All decided to switch.
The target school corporations have filed a constitutional petition claiming that the enforcement decree violated basic rights. The Hankyoreh said, “If the constitutional petition is accepted, the collective conversion scheduled for 2025 will be eliminated.” “We cannot guarantee that the next government, which took power in the next presidential election, will take over the policy of converting general high schools to private high schools, foreign high schools, and international high schools.” did.
‘Noisy’ in reorganization of the central district law… “Reform” vs “Code Greeting”
The Seoul Central District Law announced that the 21st and 35th criminal agreements will be additionally designated as the “career coordination court” (Great class), and that the previous one will be expanded to three. The judges in the Daedeungbu are the same as the chief judge. In the existing consensus department, a judge with a low experience acts as a judge. The Supreme Court receives positive reviews in the aspect of judicial reform as three judges examine the case horizontally.

However, there are also criticisms of the’personalization’, mainly in the legal profession, in that the consensus unit is a judging unit where controversy has arisen. The 21st Criminal Agreement, which is headed by Judge Kim Mi-ri, is in charge of cases involving Cho Kook, former Minister of Justice, and Ulsan election intervention cases. Former Chief Justice Yang Seung-tae is deliberating on cases such as ex officio abuse in the 35th section of the criminal agreement to which Judge Park Nam-cheon belongs.
Deputy Judge Kim of the 21st Criminal Agreement has been working for the Seoul Central District Court for more than three years, but it remained as it was after the transfer of personnel to the court earlier this month. Criticism came from inside that it is different from the practice of moving to another court after working in the Seoul Central District Court for three years.
The Chosun Ilbo raised the suspicion of’code greetings’. “The person who is evaluated as having the greatest influence was the chief judge Song Gyeong-geun,” and said, “Judge Song, the court net, an online network inside the court during the abuse of judicial administration rights in 2018. “If the court opposes the investigation (Supreme Court Yang Seung-tae), it is fueling the public’s anger,” he said.

The Chosun Ilbo said, “We have assigned the chief judges Moon Seong-gwan, Seo Bo-min, and Lee Se-chang to the chief judges in charge of warrants for the Central District Law.” Deputy Judge No-Soo Park, who publicly opposed the appointment of Supreme Court Justice Park Sang-ok as a member, was assigned to the second criminal court of the Criminal Appeal Department.
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